
Good afternoon, Sebastian, and welcome to Commodity Conversations. Please tell me about yourself and your career to date.
I’m half American, half Norwegian. I hold Norwegian citizenship. I grew up in the UK and studied business, international relations and communication there and in Norway. After graduating, I moved to Washington, where I gained my first professional experience at the Centre for Strategic and International Studies, followed by the US Congress.
There, at CSIS, I worked on trade and industrial policy, including how the US could develop policies to strengthen its manufacturing competitiveness, particularly in environmental technologies.
After that, I worked for the US International Trade Administration in the US embassies in London and Oslo. In both, I helped American companies with trade barriers and to gain market access to the UK, Norway, and the EU.
Then I left US government service and moved into European activities. As a Norwegian, I worked at the European Free Trade Association, a much smaller organisation than the EU, for Switzerland, Norway, Iceland, and Liechtenstein. There, I worked in the EEA Coordination Division, helping administer the agreement providing participation in the Single Market for Iceland, Liechtenstein and Norway. In 2006, I moved into consulting with Kreab. My day job has been building and running the market access team, covering trade/competition and issues such as sanctions, subsidies, regulation, anti-dumping and subsidy cases, circumvention, and safeguard measures, as well as state aid, anti-trust and merger clearance.
Please tell me about Kreab. What is it, and what do you do?
Kreab is a strategic communications consultancy. We advise our clients on financial and corporate communications and public affairs. I’m the global head of the public affairs practice.
That means reaching out to policymakers, tracking and analysing policy development, and participating in consultation opportunities on behalf of our clients, while respecting policymakers’ objectives.
Some policies have unintended consequences. We often deal with the unintended consequences of policy proposals, where those who write them don’t always recognise the full implications.
We’re in 30 countries, including now Switzerland, working in financial comms, corporate comms, or public affairs, helping our clients communicate on complex matters and making them understandable to decision-makers and stakeholders.
There is an old joke: the U.S. innovates, China copies, and Europe regulates. I am not sure that China copies anymore, but is Brussels waking up to the need to become more competitive?
There is now an attempt to simplify the regulatory landscape for business, but that doesn’t mean they’re throwing the baby out with the bathwater.
The reporting requirements under EU legislation have created a significant workload for companies to gather and present information. Some of the larger companies might cope with it, but many of the medium-sized and smaller companies said, “This is too much for us. Is there a way we can simplify these procedures, change some of the thresholds for needing to report, and lighten the load a little bit?”
Most companies we work with said, “We’re not in disagreement with the overall objectives, but it is too much to take on all at once.”
I think the President of the European Commission got the message and introduced these omnibus acts to simplify some of the onerous legislation and requirements.
Does Kreab help companies navigate EU regulations, or focus on trying to change them?
You’ve got to try and understand what the objective of the EU is in legislating this. Often, it’s to protect consumers and the environment, make the single market work more efficiently, or level the playing field so that all businesses operate with the same rule book, which to the greatest extent possible should provide homogenous market conditions. It is better to deal with one set of EU rules, than 27 different national rules.
It usually has a logical reason. But the people who write the legislation aren’t necessarily the ones who have worked in the industries that have to implement it.
One good thing about the EU is that it’s very open to hearing from industry and civil society stakeholders. But you have to know which of the 40,000 EU officials at the European Commission are the right people to talk to. What is the chain this proposal will go through? Who else will have influence over this legislation?
One mistake is talking only to the person holding the pen or only to the Commission. The various Directorates-General can have different views on an individual policy proposal, because their missions differ slightly. Make sure you talk to all of the offices that provide input to the policy formulation process.
You need people who know the various processes for decision making, who can find their way around the institutions on behalf of the clients to be able to get messages that resonate through to the right people at the optimal time.
Commodity trading companies complain about the compliance costs required to remain operational. How could they reduce the regulatory burden?
It is important to talk to the regulators as early as possible, when the idea of regulating is first voiced. That isn’t when a Commission proposal has been written and sent to the European Parliament. You need to get in when it’s just a glimmer of an idea in the head of somebody, and say to them, “I understand what you’re trying to do here. Let’s have a chat because this is what it’s gonna look like on the ground.”
If you could ask the European Commission for one thing right now, what would it be?
The rate of legislation has accelerated a lot. Not just the number of acts that are proposed at any given time, but also the pace at which they are promulgated. The problem is that the time available for impact assessment and consultation has been squeezed, sometimes too much.
If I could ask the Commission for one thing, I would say, “Please make sure you build in enough time for consultation and for proper in-depth impact assessment, because the negative consequences of not doing are serious.”
What is the current status of EUDR? When is it due to come into force?
The EUDR has been postponed twice but is now set to be enforced for large and medium-sized operators from 30 December 2026, followed by micro and small operators from 30 June 2027.
We have advised clients in sectors in countries that have a large base of smallholders that face significant challenges in meeting the geolocation requirements. But even for countries with more concentrated sectors, the file caused uncertainty how to prove that someone is entitled to use a land or how to trace goods that are traded in bulk and mixed along the supply chain, such as soy.
It is important that the EU listens to these stakeholders, in particular from developing and emerging countries, because it otherwise risks excluding them from supply chains.
There was a lot of media coverage a while back about Poland and Ukrainian agricultural exports to the EU. Has that issue been resolved?
When Russia blockaded Ukraine’s Black Sea ports in 2022, much of this trade had to be redirected either into the EU market or across EU territory to European ports, usually at huge discounts harming the Ukrainian farmers. The EU responded quickly through its Solidarity Lanes initiative, simplifying customs and phytosanitary procedures, while temporarily suspending agricultural tariffs and import quotas. These measures helped keep the sector afloat during the critical first two years of the war.
However, the ensuing increase in Ukrainian imports and transit soon provoked a fierce backlash among EU farmers, especially in neighbouring Member States such as Poland, Slovakia and Hungary. Their concerns centred on falling local prices, congested grain storage and pressure on freight capacity. Governments in these countries subsequently imposed unilateral bans on certain Ukrainian agricultural imports, while continuing to allow transit.
Unfortunately, the situation remains unresolved, with bans still in place, their illegal status under the EU law still not challenged by Brussels. As the September EU Agrifish Council discussions showed, Poland and other countries are reluctant to do more to help Ukraine’s agri transit via their territories, while the European Commission seems to be unable to offer Ukraine any other meaningful means of helping the sector reach the global markets.
The US is becoming more aggressive with tariffs and trade. How is that affecting your commodity trading clients? Are they having to rethink everything?
There was, and I think there still is, considerable confusion.
One of the biggest impacts of Trump’s abandonment of free trade was that all the other trading partners in the world, particularly the advanced economies and the advanced agricultural producers, thought, “We can’t get our products into the U.S. now. Let’s get our products into other markets.”
Tariff walls go up everywhere, because everyone’s saying, “There’s a whole lot of product now that can’t get to a huge market anymore. It’s gonna come flooding towards us.”
People have to deal with that knock-on effect, on top of the original protection imposed by the US. It can become a vicious circle.
Is trade now another weapon in warfare?
It’s certainly a political tool, especially the way Trump is using it. I’m not sure the rest of the world wants to use it that way.
But trade has always been, to a certain extent, a political tool. You could strengthen your relationships with a country by signing a free trade agreement, an expression of goodwill, as long as both sides have compatible trade interests.
What is new is the extent to which trade policy is being weaponised for non-trade and economic purposes. Of course, it’s been used before, but to the extent that it’s being used now, we’ve reached a new level.
Is the traditional multilateral trading system for commodities dead?
I hope not, but it’s struggling.
The Appellate Body in the WTO hasn’t functioned for a long time, but there are workarounds. Resolving commodity trade disputes has become harder,
I would say the multilateral trading system is weakened. I’m not going to put the “Do not resuscitate” sign on it. That’s up to politicians.
What we have seen is a proliferation of preferential bilateral and regional trade agreements. For smaller or less developed commodity exporting economies, this may not be so great. They can have less leverage against the more powerful and diversified trading partners with whom they are negotiating and end up with rather one-sided agreements. Whereas the multilateral approach to trade liberalisation supposedly raises the level of market access for everyone.
Let’s move on to the Geneva Commodity Show. What messages would you like to convey to the audience?
Find ways to communicate with policymakers, whether they’re in Brussels or Washington, in the member states, or in Delhi, Brasilia, Bern, Maputo, Tokyo or Beijing. Find a way to get your view across, build alliances with people who share your interests, and get in early.
People think it’s impossible to do this, but it really isn’t. You normally end up with a good compromise you can live with, not a slam-dunk win.
What do you hope to gain from the event?
I’d like to improve my knowledge of the commodity trading business by being around the industry and hearing the conversations. It will refresh my understanding of the sector’s key concerns.
Thank you, Sebastian. I look forward to welcoming you to the panel on 5th November, alongside Pedro Nonay and Philip Ryan.

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